Once more on the Keupstraße, and on the ideology of Uwe Mundlos

The first witness today was another victim of the nail bomb attack of 9 June 20004 in the Keupstraße in Cologne. He worked in the hairdresser’s in front of which the bomb was placed. He suffered several injuries to his head, arm and leg as well as damage to his eardrums – he was spared from even more serious injuries by the fact that someone was standing between him and the bomb. He still suffers from psychological injuries, is still brought back to the explosion every time there is a loud noise like a door falling shut. Like many others, he related that German agencies had not done anything to help him cope with the consequences of the attack.

The next witness was a good friend of Uwe Mundlos‘ from school who witnessed how Mundlos developed into an open Nazi. Former favorite music act Udo Lindenberg was replaced by the “Böhsen Onkelz” and other “right rock”, such as the “Kanak song” spreading hatred against Turks (including lyrics such as “Put them in the dungeon or put them in a concentration camp, send them into the desert, but finally get rid of them. Kill their children, rape their women, destroy their race, instill dread in them”), Mundlos wore the usual bomber jacket and combat boots, later clothing reminiscent of an SS uniform. Beginning in the seventh or eighth grade, he began to talk positively about the Third Reich. In his room, he hung Nazi flags and played recordings of speeches by Hitler and Goebbels.

According to the witness, Mundlos was, already in his youth, an agitator, “almost immovable” in his opinions, cold and without any mercy. Roughly in the tenth grade, he had programmed a computer game in which the player could “shoot down” Jews.

As to Beate Zschäpe, the witness stated that he had met her towards the end of his friendship with Mundlos. She had not left a political impression, but he remembered her as “primitive”, stealing lots of stuff and forcibly taking cigarettes from Vietnamese salespeople. Members of the group had also been on the “hunt for left wingers”.

Uwe Mundlos had already known a lot about going underground, about dragnet investigations and the like. One of his favorite TV series had been “Pink Panther” – which the NSU later used as a basis for the repugnant video with which it claimed responsibility for its crimes.
It was apparent that the witness was honestly trying to remember as many details as possible and succeeded in putting himself back into the situations back then. He often related specific details and used those to characterize specific situations – something which makes for a particularly believable witness statement. His statement thus stands in marked contrast to those of Nazi witnesses who, in order to protect themselves and the accused, do not at all try to remember any salient details.

The Zschäpe defense tried above all to attack his statement that Zschäpe had seemed primitive and had stolen a lot – hardly something which will be at the center of the court’s judgment.
The statement has above all shown that the ideology of Mundlos and his friends developed over a period of time. The dreams of annihilation already found early on in music and video games later and later in the self-made “Pogromly” game became reality with the NSU murders. The fact that no one intervened in this development, even though it was obvious for parents, school officials and other agencies, raises further questions.

Destroy, deny, forget – informers do not provide any valuable information. And: on the normality of the „White Brotherhood in the Iron Mountains“

The first witness today was Marcel Degner, co-founder and head of the “Blood & Honour” Section in Thuringia, later “B&H”-head for “middle Germany” (i.e. Eastern Germany) and, according to the findings of the parliamentary inquiry, also an informer, codenamed “Hagel” (Hail), for the Thuringia domestic secret service from 1997 until 2001. Like most informers before him, he did not provide any useful information. Like all Nazi witness before him, Degner of course remembered hardly anything, particularly when it came to information which might incriminate the accused. However, Degner even denied having worked for the secret service in the first place – and remained adamant even after being told that secret service officer Wiessner has already stated in court on 11 November 2014 that “Hagel” was Degner.

What’s more, one event that Degner related today is found identically in one of the meeting reports drawn up by “Hagel”’s contact officer: Degner had asked Thomas Starke of Chemnitz whether the three fugitives – Zschäpe, Böhnhardt and Mundlos – needed money, Starke had told him no, they were “doing jobs”. The other meeting reports concerning “Hagel” have been destroyed, which makes it hard to check the veracity of his statements. Victims’ counsel therefore moved that his testimony be interrupted and that secret service officers Wiessner and Zweigert be called as witnesses on his work as an informer. The presiding judge seemed put out by this request, but did in the end interrupt Degner’s testimony; Degner will have to continue testifying at a later date.

What he did relate today was that he had gotten to know accused Wohlleben in the early 1990s in Gera and had continued to meet him from time to time. Other important contacts, besides his “B&H” friends, had been André Kapke and Tino Brandt. After being uncovered as an informer, he had been attacked at least twice, had then cut most of his ties to the scene. Previously, he had tried to bring a suit against the dissolution of B&H by the German Ministry of the Interior, however, this suit had been unsuccessful because the Northern German section had not allowed him to bring it on behalf of the entire organization. One question to be asked of Wiessner and Zweigert will be whether this law suit was ordered and/or paid for by the secret service.

The next witness was an early member of the „White Brotherhood in the Iron Mountains“ („Weiße Bruderschaft Erzgebirge“, WBE), which was lead by accused André Eminger and his brother and in which NSU supporter Dienelt was also a member. This witness too did not really try to remember much, claimed that the WBE had mainly organized soccer tournaments, scouting games and concerts in order to “act against drugs” and provide opportunities “for the youth.”

The WBE’s ideology became clearer based on the two issues of their fanzine „Aryan Law and Order“, which has already been introduced into the trial by victims’ counsel. This zine is chock full of racist and anti-Semitic propaganda and open calls for “armed resistance” by small cells. The witness confirmed that most of the ideologically important articles were written by André and Maik Eminger.

He did also try to describe Eminger’s ideology in somewhat more detail: asked about Eminger’s stance towards “foreigners” and Jews, he answered: “similar to that of most in the Iron Mountains: all evil, all bad, away with them.”

Lies and Trivialization Deluxe – Hendrik Lasch and his “rightwing conservative” friend Mundlos.

The first witness today was a psychiatrist who had issued an expert opinion on one of the young men who had been severely injured by the Keupstraße nail bomb (on his testimony see the report of 20 January 2015). Today’s witness showed once again the extent of the psychological damage wreaked by the bomb. Still in 2012, the young man had still suffered from a full-blown post-traumatic stress disorder with trouble concentrating, irritability, recurring nightmares and flashbacks, still in 2012, everyday occurrences like bikes with packs on them led to severe anxiety.

The next witness was Hendrik Lasch, another member of the Nazi scene in Chemnitz and a friend of Uwe Mundlos’ beginning in the mid-1990s. He too tried very hard not to give up anything relevant. Presiding judge Götzl reacted by repeating his questions again and again – but not by at least threatening fines or detention for contempt of court, despite the fact that Lasch’s answers quite constituted an obvious refusal to testify.

Lasch stated that he had “nothing negative to say” about Mundlos, whom he described as quite humorous – and as “politically active”, upon questioning: as “rightwing conservative”. It took several repeated questions by the presiding judge for Lasch to admit that one could maybe speak of a “hardline rightwing” view.

The rest of his testimony was similarly cagey and fruitless: He claimed not to have heard anything about explosives, guns or the like, that he had known “Blood & Honour” only via acquaintances. Once, Lasch accidentally made a relevant statement in trying to evade a question: he claimed not to remember how he had kept in contact with “the Three” in Chemnitz – after all, the contact had not changed at all after they had gone on the run from the police. He thus confirmed the evidence heard so far, which shows that Zschäpe, Mundlos and Böhnhardt had moved openly within the Nazi scene in Chemnitz.

Lasch also claimed not to have known Ralf Wohlleben. This is one of the evidentiary claims of the Wohlleben defense. However, given the obvious and total stonewalling by Lasch, his statement too will not help exculpate Wohlleben.

Victims’ counsel were able to catch Lasch in an obvious lie: at first, he claimed not to have known who the supporters of Zschäpe, Mundlos and Böhnhardt in Chemnitz had been. Confronted with testimony of other witnesses, he had to admit to having met Mundlos at least once in the apartment of “Blood and Honour“ activist Thomas Rothe.

At the end of the trial day, presiding judge Götzl stated that psychiatrist Prof. Nedopil had examined accused Zschäpe and had not found any reason to doubt her capacity to stand trial, but had suggested a lighter trial load to help her recuperate. Accordingly, the court will only sit for two days a week in the next three weeks, the trial days of Tuesday, 10, 17 and 24 March have been canceled. After 26 March, there will be a two week Easter vacation; it remains to be seen whether the court will again sit for three days weekly afterwards.

The “Initiative for clearing up the murder of Burak B” held a demonstration in front of the court today. On 5 April 2012, Burak Bektaş was shot and killed at close range by an unknown gunman in the streets of Berlin, two of his friends were severely injured. Drawing upon the lessons of the NSU murders, the initiative finds that a racist motive is rather likely and calls for an active investigation – for more see (in German) www.burak.blogsport.de.

On the structure and ideology of the Jena scene

Beate Zschäpe was able to participate in the trial again, so it was continued today. However, upon being asked by the presiding judge whether Zschäpe had been able to follow the testimony last Tuesday, her defence told the court that she had not. Apparently they are unable to safeguard her rights without prompting by the court. The witness will now have to appear again – a result which the Zschäpe defense, which always insists on a speedy trial, could have avoided with a simple notice to the court. Presiding judge Götzl was rather irritated. In preparation for another day of Zschäpe being ill, he had already pushed the testimony of secret service officer Meyer-Plath to a later date.

Only witness today was the younger brother of André Kapke, formerly active in the Jena Nazi scene. He stated that he had left the scene in the early 2000s. He did leave the impression of actually trying to relate what he knew of the scene in the 1990s – a welcome change to many other (former) Nazi witnesses. He did, inter alia, provide a detailed description of the scene’s ideology, in particular the absolute racism and anti-Semitism, which he had shared at the time. However, he did seem to downplay the violence inherent in the scene.

His leaving the scene, he related, had been started when he gained contact to the fraternity “Jenensia” in Jena – the fraternity which had dispelled eleven members in 1999 for inviting extreme right wing speakers and contacts to the “Thuringia Home Guard”. Those eleven went on to form the fraternity “Normannia” which even conducted some events at the Nazi “brown house”.

The witness was active in the group surrounding the core members of the „Kameradschaft Jena”, but was also known in larger circles as part of the singer/songwriter-duo “Eichenlaub” (“Oak Leaf”). “Eichenlaub” had written a song for Zschäpe, Böhnhardt and Mundlos after they had gone underground – one more sign for their significance for the scene.

He discussed several interviews in scene publications which had been organized for him by Holger Gerlach and Ralf Wohlleben. He also related another interesting fact concerning Gerlach: in 1999, “Eichenlaub” had played at a “Blood & Honour” concert in Hildesheim, near Germany. Today Kapke related that their appearance had been organized by Gerlach, who had moved to Hannover. Apparently Gerlach had a good connection to the organizers from “Blood & Honour”.
According to him, Ralf Wohlleben was rather important for the scene in Jena, played a leading role. However, it was hard to know his ideology as he had led a rather low-key “citizen’s lifestyle”. Carsten Schultze, too, had gained some influence in the scene over time, his word had some weight.

There was a somewhat strange scene when accused Carsen Schultze himself asked the witness some questions concerning their first meeting – in the bus on the way to a Nazi march in Munich. Schultze apparently tried to show that at that time (when he just entered the scene) he had not yet played an important role. However, the witness did not remember any of the details Schultze wanted to hear.

Victims‘ counsel moved that another witness, an early member of the „Kameradschaft Jena“ whoch had left the group after about 2 months, also be summoned as a witness. He too should be able to give details on the group’s ideology and show once more that the core members were hardcore militant Nazis already at that time.

The trial day today was canceled due to ill health of accused Beate
Zschäpe.

A new lying Nazi witness every day.

The first witness today was a friend of Carsten Schultze’s from the early days in the Jena Nazi scene, who had also left the scene together with him. It was quite apparent that she tried to exonerate Schultze, who is still a good friend of hers. Above all, she attempted to present him as someone who did not have play an independent role in the scene, but who was only “sent” by others – mostly André Kapke and Ralf Wohlleben – and cared for the scene’s youth. Like Schultze himself, the witness tried to give the impression that Schultze and herself had not had their own political opinions, but had only gotten involved with the scene due to personal problems.

It was obvious that her statement was as extremely subjective as Schultze’s self-presentation: It is certainly true, as she said, that Wohlleben and Kapke played the leading roles in Jena’s Nazi Scene. But to deduce from this fact that the others had simply been blind followers may be true for the witness herself, who had joined the scene at 12 or 13 years old. But it is transparent nonsense when it comes to Carsten Schultze, who had a leading role in the JN, the NPD youth organization, and whom Wohlleben chose not without reason as his “right hand” in supporting “the Three”.

The witness seemed quite touched when she reported on her first meeting with Schultze – which consisted of their chancing upon a homeless man on their way to the youth club and “stealing his beer”.

The Wohlleben defense tried to present the witness as unreliable, but achieved the opposite: In answering their questions, she related how Wohlleben had forced her to confront the entire group when she did not want to participate in weekend seminars anymore. He had also harassed a boy who had eaten a kebap by forcing him to do pushups in front of the group and threatening to whip him if ever did that again. André Kapke too had always harassed younger “comrades”, only Schultze had once dared tell Kapke to leave her alone – which once again shows that Schultze was not as low in the hierarchy as the witness tried to depict him.
The witness said that she had seen Zschäpe only once, Böhnhardt and Mundlos never. But those three had been depicted like martyrs by the scene, which had heaped praise on them for “standing up”.

After the NSU had uncovered itself, Schultze had told her that he had brought “them” a gun. Now he was afraid that this gun had been used for the murders. He had not related details and she had not asked.

The next witness was Armin Fiedler from Chemnitz, brother of yesterday’s witness Gunter Fiedler. His questioning was one of those typical questionings of (former?) members of the Nazi scene, who hinder an elucidation of the facts by “not remembering anything” and thus seem to show themselves still sharing a bond with the accused. Armin Fiedler too only admitted those facts which have already been proven: Thomas Starke had asked him and his brother to find a “refuge” for three people who had “screwed up”. They had asked Mandy Struck, who helped them by providing her boyfriend’s apartment to Zschäpe, Böhnhardt und Mundlos. From early 1998 to the fall of 1998, they had visited two or three times. His brother had provided his ID card and other documents so that Uwe Böhnhardt could apply for and receive a passport in his name. However, he too claimed, his brother had asked for the passport back when it became clear that the fugitives were not in fact planning to go abroad. Apart from these details, the witness claimed not to remember anything.

What remains is the fact that the attempt by the Wohlleben defense to exculpate their client by pointing to the involvement of “Blood & Honour” Saxony in building up the NSU failed again. There is a lot of evidence that “B&H” Saxony did in fact decide in the summer of 1998 to support the three, leading to a network of groups for armed activities – but the evidence so far presented has clearly shown not only that Wohlleben was responsible for procuring the Ceska pistol, but also that he had been a central figure in supporting Zschäpe, Böhnhardt and Mundlos in going and staying underground.

Finally, victims’ counsel for the Yozgat family presented their motions concerning the murder in of Halit Yozgat and the role of secret service officer Andreas Temme. Inter alia, they moved that the court hear several further officers of the service, listen to phone calls between them on line which were tapped by the police, and summon Hessian Prime Minister Volker Bouffier as a witness. Their central claims are that Temme had known of the murder beforehand and had therefore been present in the internet café, that he and his colleagues had lied in their testimony in court and that the secret service had colluded to deflect the police investigations (two German language articles on these motions are available [links] here and here). The federal prosecution requested that these motions be denied, giving a long juridical-technocratic statement, the political background of which was quite transparent, under the motto “that which must not, cannot be.” Victims’ counsel replied and stated once more that every possibility, even a remote one, of secret service involvement in the murder in Kassel must obviously be followed up by all means possible. The Zschäpe defense, meanwhile, was mostly indignant that it had not received the motions beforehand so as to be able to comment at once.

Witnesses from Chemnitz: Some details, a lot of fables – and still no exculpatory evidence for Wohlleben

Today the court heard two witnesses from Chemnitz. Both were summoned based on a motion by the Wohlleben defense which aims at shifting the responsibility for the support given to the NSU away from Wohlleben and laying it solely at the feet of “Blood & Honour” Saxony.
As was the case with earlier witnesses, this plan did not come to fruition today. At the same time, both witnesses also tried very hard not to give any other relevant details – like many witnesses from the Nazi scene before them, they confirmed what was already proven and otherwise either told stories or claimed not to remember anything.

The first witness was Gunter Fiedler, one of the “88” Skinheads from Chemnitz. He confirmed that, after Zschäpe, Böhnhardt and Mundlos had gone underground, he and his brother had provided an apartment for them. Thomas Starke had asked them and told them that the Three were hiding from the police. The Fiedler brothers asked Mandy Struck, who referred them to her boyfriend Max-Florian B., who in fact took them in.

The witness also confirmed – contrary to his interview with the police – that he had lent Böhnhardt his ID card so that Böhnhardt could apply for (and in fact receive) a passport in Fiedler’s name. However, he claimed to have taken this passport back after a while and to have destroyed it – a rather unbelievable claim. He also claimed not to have had further contact with the Three and not to know anything much about them.

His statement was unbelievable already taken on its own, even more so given several contradictions to his police interview. What’s more, he was unable to state any kind of motive for his support. Finally, the witness was unable to explain a note found in the NSU apartment containing biographical details of the entire Fiedler family, which shows that Böhnhardt was still using Fiedler’s identity.

It was apparent that the witness, an active member of the Nazi scene in Chemnitz, was willing without any further ado to provide an apartment and personal documents to “comrades” on the run from the police. Apparently the scene had no problem with participating in criminal activities.

The second witness, Jörg Winter, was a member of “Blood & Honour” Saxony and had, already in the mid-1990s, provided Zschäpe, Böhnhardt and Mundlos, at the time were still active in Jena, with 2 kg of TNT. This transaction too was brokered by Thomas Starke. The witness confirmed having delivered the explosives, but told a tall tale of having been given the TNT for safe-keeping by an acquaintance who died shortly thereafter. Later, Starke asked him, apparently out of the blue, and “as luck would have it”, he was able to give those explosives to him. Of course, he had not had any clue that these explosives were meant for somebody else, he thought Starke simply wanted to “experiment” a bit.

Besides this unbelievable story, the witness provided some interesting tidbits concerning the structure of “B&H” Saxony and their closeness to the Hammerskins in Saxony. He also confirmed that André Eminger was close to the “B&H” scene, in fact wanted to become a member. When “B&H” was banned and dissolved, he instead formed the “White Brotherhood Iron Mountains”, whose ideology was closely related to that of the Hammerskins. Winter’s statement is therefore another clue that Eminger is the link who ensured the further support to the NSU after “B&H” was banned and the earlier supporters were unable to continue their support.

On everyday life in Zwickau

The court only sat for a half day today due to ill health of accused Beate Zschäpe. Accordingly, only one witnessed testified, a former neighbor of the NSU in the Polenzstraße in Zwickau who recalled her contact with Beate Zschäpe, known to her as “Lise” or “Lisa”. She only had contact with Zschäpe, one of the men was supposed to be her boyfriend, but he was often absent “for work.” Several times, the witness saw mobile homes in front of the house, “Lisa” said that they were going on vacation.

Zschäpe also came for visits after she had moved to the Frühlingsstraße apartment. The witness found her a genial conversational partner – one who had, however, mostly listened and not told much about herself. During one of the last visits, Zschäpe had argued with a neighbor about money and had become very aggressive: “I thought she is just about to her”. During her final visit, about two weeks before the explosion in the Frühlingsstraße, she had appeared very stressed and had drunk a lot more than usual, but had claimed that everything was alright.
It seems that this witness did not witness the “German normalcy” between Zschäpe and other neighbors (see the reports of 3 February 2014 and 9 to 11 November 2013). She stated that Zschäpe had never made political statements – “otherwise I would not have continued talking to her.”

The Zschäpe defense asked the witness a number of questions, but without a discernible strategy and without any concrete results.

Court rejects defense motion to revoke Mrs. S.’ right to join the proceedings

On 12 February 2015, the Munich Court of Appeal has decided, as was to be expected, that the motion by the Zschäpe defense to revoke the right of a private accessory prosecutor to join the proceedings was to be rejected. This means that her counsel Alexander Hoffmann will continue to represent her in the trial proceedings.

This decision was to be expected, the defense motion was a simple diversionary tactic. The defense did try to get rid of a victims’ counsel, but above all it tried to establish that only a few severely injured persons could be accepted as victims and thus to obscure the murderous dimension of the nail bomb attack in the Keupstraße. By claiming that a person who was in close proximity to the bomb and only by accident was not exposed to bomb fragments was not a victim of that bombing attack, the defense tried to push into the background the fact that this attack was directed against all residents of the Keupstraße.

The court simply stated that, when it allowed the private accessory prosecution, it had considered that the victim had been within the blast radius of the bomb and that therefore a conviction of Beate Zschäpe was possible. Whether or not this was proven by the evidence in court was simply without relevance for the decision – the Zschäpe defense had filled several pages with claims that the evidence did not bear out the facts considered by the court in its initial decision.

The trial day today was canceled due to ill health of accused Beate
Zschäpe. There will be no trial days next week. The trial continues on
Tuesday, 24 February with testimony by two neighbors of the NSU from
Zwickau and from Gordian Meyer-Plath, former contact officer of secret
service informer Carsten Szczepanski and now president of the domestic
secret service in Saxony.